May 22, 2012
"Strauss was at best a mediocre scholar whose thought expressed a confused bipolarity between a very German and ahistorical Grecophilia on the one hand and a scattered, dogmatic, and unsophisticated apology for an American version of liberal universalism on the other. Amongst prominent European philosophers, Strauss was taken seriously only by Hans-Georg Gadamer, until Gadamer concluded that Strauss was a crank, and by Alexandre Kojève, whose work reads today as if it were a parody of trendy French Marxism. In Britain, neither Strauss nor the Straussians have ever been taken seriously."

Kenneth B. McIntyre

Ice burn.

h/t Sullivan

April 18, 2012
"The word God is for me nothing more than the expression and product of human weakness, the Bible a collection of honorable, but still purely primitive, legends which are nevertheless pretty childish. No interpretation no matter how subtle can (for me) change this. … For me the Jewish religion like all other religions is an incarnation of the most childish superstition. And the Jewish people to whom I gladly belong … have no different quality for me than all other people. As far as my experience goes, they are also no better than other human groups, although they are protected from the worst cancers by a lack of power. Otherwise I cannot see anything “chosen” about them."

Albert Einstein, Letter to Eric Gutkind, January, 1954.

April 15, 2012
My cat’s name is Jean-Paul Sartre.
Source: A Cat Articulates its Existence

My cat’s name is Jean-Paul Sartre.

Source: A Cat Articulates its Existence

2:13pm  |   URL: http://tmblr.co/ZMMjnxJj9epE
  
Filed under: philosophy animals pics 
April 9, 2012
"Grant me thirty years of equal division of inheritances and a free press, and I will provide you with a republic."

Alexis de Tocqueville. Who knew something about aristocracies … (via politicalprof)

LTMC: I always enjoyed Tocqueville; his work is so broad and nuanced that people of all political persuasions can find occasion to quote him in support of their proffered ideology.  Much like most of the great thinkers of his day, however, the guy was such a mensch that his political philosophy does not neatly fit into any one worldview.  John Stuart Mill, Edmund Burke, and even Adam Smith come to mind in that vein as well.  Rigorous thinkers who were more than happy to admit of exceptions in order to create coherent political theories, even if they leaned more heavily to one side or the other.  The same thing cannot be said of every “great” thinker, unfortunately.

April 5, 2012
"Ordinary people want to feel philosophically justified in hating evildoers and viewing them as the ultimate authors of their evil. This moral attitude has always been vulnerable to our learning more about the causes of human behavior—and in situations where the origins of a person’s actions become absolutely clear, our feelings about his responsibility begin to change. What is more, they should change. We should admit that a person is unlucky to inherit the genes and life experience that will doom him to psychopathy. That doesn’t mean we can’t lock him up, or kill him in self-defense, but hating him is not rational, given a complete understanding of how he came to be who he is. Natural, yes; rational, no. Feeling compassion for him would be rational, however—or so I have argued."

Sam Harris, Free Will and “Free Will”

March 25, 2012
Socrates And Music, Ctd.

darlingthistooshallpass replied to your post: Socrates And Music

Hang on a second, by my understanding, the Socrates portrayed in the Republic is little more than Plato’s mouthpiece - surely it’s a little unfair to take his representation in that book as indicative of his actual views?

We have very little material that Socrates himself actually wrote.  Most of what is credited to Socrates is done so through the reports of his hagiographers.  Plato, Xenophon, and Aristotle are the main sources for what Socrates may have actually believed or written.  So in that sense, we are at their mercy for what we attribute to him.

It bears mention that in the most technical sense, your suspicion is correct.  But if we question the motives of Plato, we must also question the motives of Xenophon and Aristotle.  In which case, there’s really not much of a Socrates left.  We really have very little idea what Socrates himself may have actually said or wrote apart from the these mens’ description of him.  So any citation to Socrates is implicitly a citation to Plato, Xenophon, or Aristotle’s reports of him.  That’s always going to be implicit in any discussion of his work, since he really only exists in the memorializations of the three men above.

5:39pm  |   URL: http://tmblr.co/ZMMjnxIZ6Nst
  
Filed under: philosophy socrates 
March 25, 2012
Socrates And Music

ataxiwardance replied to your post: Thought For The Day

Excellent album. However, I’m a bit confused. Not sure exactly why Socrates would have banned anything for seditious content. Is this an allusion to the charges brought against him for “corruption of the youth”?

In The Republic, Socrates is critical of both music and poetry.  He believed that poetry which incited the reader/listener to indulge their “lower” emotions was counter-productive and dangerous, because those lower impulses were better regulated by reason.  To quote from Socrates:

Listen and consider. When even the best of us hear Homer or any other of the tragic poets imitating one of the heroes in mourning and making quite an extended speech with lamentation, or, if you like, singing and beating his breast, you know that we enjoy it and that we give ourselves over to following the imitation; suffering along [‘sympaschontes’, a word related to another Greek word, ‘sympatheia’] with the hero in all seriousness, we praise as a good poet the man who most puts us in this state” (605c10-d5). So the danger posed by poetry is great, for it appeals to something to which even the best—the most philosophical—are liable, and induces a dream-like, uncritical state in which we lose ourselves in the emotions in question


Socrates concludes that such expressions should be restricted in the ideal Polis, because they tend to undermine the common good.  My implication was that RATM would fit inside the restricted field of poetry and music that Socrates thought was dangerous to the common good for its appeals to passion.

March 20, 2012
"The ultimate philosophical question…is should we have laws which reflect the way we want people to behave, or should we have laws which reflect the way they actually behave?"

— In re Estate of Hall, 588 N.E.2d 203 (Ohio 1990) (Grey, J., concurring).

March 19, 2012
"Usually, even a non-Christian knows something about the earth, the heavens, and the other elements of this world, about the motion and orbit of the stars and even their size and relative positions, about the predictable eclipses of the sun and moon, the cycles of the years and the seasons, about the kinds of animals, shrubs, stones, and so forth, and this knowledge he hold to as being certain from reason and experience. Now, it is a disgraceful and dangerous thing for an infidel to hear a Christian, presumably giving the meaning of Holy Scripture, talking nonsense on these topics; and we should take all means to prevent such an embarrassing situation, in which people show up vast ignorance in a Christian and laugh it to scorn. The shame is not so much that an ignorant individual is derided, but that people outside the household of faith think our sacred writers held such opinions, and, to the great loss of those for whose salvation we toil, the writers of our Scripture are criticized and rejected as unlearned men. If they find a Christian mistaken in a field which they themselves know well and hear him maintaining his foolish opinions about our books, how are they going to believe those books in matters concerning the resurrection of the dead, the hope of eternal life, and the kingdom of heaven, when they think their pages are full of falsehoods and on facts which they themselves have learnt from experience and the light of reason? Reckless and incompetent expounders of Holy Scripture bring untold trouble and sorrow on their wiser brethren when they are caught in one of their mischievous false opinions and are taken to task by those who are not bound by the authority of our sacred books. For then, to defend their utterly foolish and obviously untrue statements, they will try to call upon Holy Scripture for proof and even recite from memory many passages which they think support their position, although they understand neither what they say nor the things about which they make assertion. [1 Timothy 1.7]"

St. Augustine (via azspot)

LTMC: St. Augustine is required reading, for the Skeptic and Believer alike.

(via azspot)

March 19, 2012
Natural Rights

logicallypositive:

I don’t understand how some people can rip on the concept of natural rights on one hand (and rightfully so; natural rights are a stupid idea if you ask me) but when you apply that same logic to the concept of human rights, then all of a sudden it’s a different story?

Rights is rights is rights.

LTMC: Agreed in part.  The problem with “natural rights” is that it implies that they exist in the state of nature, prior to an act of convention between moral agents.  The only reason why a right so conceived would be ever be respected in-fact within the state of nature is through such a convention; i.e. a mutual agreement to recognize that such right exists, and to abstain from violations thereof, usually on the basis that it is mutually beneficial to everyone.  In doing so, the inhabitants elevate some aspect of existence as superior to other human concerns.  This can have a powerful effect on how humans relate to one another.  But it can hardly be said to be “natural” in any sense, because it exists by convention, and not by virtue of existing per se.

In this sense, it is correct to observe that human rights, like any right, are premised not on a violation of a pre-existing moral order, but on the violation of a social compact in which the participants of society agree that some aspect of human existence/experience has a great deal of value, and therefore ought to be respected as superior to other concerns.  If we agree, for example, that ethnic cleansing is a “human rights” violation, then the gravamen of the right, and its very nature as something we call a “right,” comes not from any fundamental nature, but from the force of our collective disapproval for the act in question.  That disapproval, of course, has some independent logic (e.g. “nobody likes being ethnically cleansed, and I wouldn’t want it to happen to me or anyone I care about.”).  The appeal to human rights is therefore an appeal to the logic of a mutually beneficial convention based on well-recognized aspects of the human experience.  Appealing to that logic is not necessarily less compelling than appealing to a “natural” right.  The latter is just an easy short-cut, if for no other reason than it often carries a wiff of divinity.

Indeed, most modern, successful societies do premise their existence on the existence of some body of divinely-granted (ergo natural) rights.  Of course, those rights only have life to the extent that the founding documents and procedures of that society lend them any material support.  A right that exists only in theory but not in practice is no right at all.  So we’re back to convention.  Every time.

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